Page 100 - 《社会》2020年第6期
P. 100

The process can also cause the reverse actions of“family.” Under certain internal
                   politics and opportunities, different family political structures formed previously are
                   being renegotiated. The bodily facts happened during the negotiation drive the direction
                   of the dispute, upon which the“moral accusation” itself becomes a new action to start a
                   new round of family politics, creating new moral bargaining chips. The competitive
                   structure of internal boundaries, maintained by the different roles of family members
                   such as wives, married daughters, fathers, sons and brothers, in turn becomes the
                   framework and dominant logic of monetary compensation criterion. “Legal basis” has
                   thus become an auxiliary tool for judging family political history and a reference for
                   guiding different family members to modify their compensation goals. The demolition
                   agents are thus compelled to learn about the uniqueness of each family and become
                   insinuated into family affairs. Agents’ negotiation skills and their knowledge of the
                   demolition policy are used to advantage in intervention in family politics. As a result,
                   the monetized compensation practice has actually become an ethical political process.
                   Keywords:urbanization, monetization, family -property division, family politics,
                   ethical politics





                    继 20 世纪 70—90 年代颁行的实物安置(拆迁)政策之后,21 世纪以
                                       1
                来逐渐通行的货币化征迁 安置政策已经成为一部分城市家庭, 尤其是
                城市下层家庭进行再生产的新路径。 与实物安置不同的是,货币化政策


                1. 本文将自上而下对城市房屋的“征收”和“拆迁”行为合称为“征迁”,将与被征收/拆迁房屋
                相关的居民称为“被动迁者/家庭”。 首先,根据 2001—2011 年期间生效的国务院《城市房屋拆
                迁与补偿条例》和替代该条例、自 2011 年生效至今的国务院《国有土地上房屋征收与补偿条
                例》,我们可将 20 年来针对城市房屋的城市化运动划分为“拆迁时代”和“征收时代”两个阶
                段。 其中,从拆迁时代向征收时代的过渡或变革与国家对拆迁时代暴力拆迁事件和社会冲突
                加剧的回应直接相关 (参见朱晓阳的待出版书稿 《小村故事: 土豆洋芋与挖机(2010—
                2014)》)。 但这个划分是粗略的,因为 2011 年只是条例变革的“文件节点”,实际上的“上传下
                达”至少要到 2013 年才完成。 进入征收时代后,城市化运动的基层势力格局有整体性的调整,
                一些新局面和新问题也是在这个变革之后才发生的(详见林叶,2018)。 以上划分值得申明,因
                为对征收时代城市化项目进行的一些观察存在对这一背景性变革的忽视。 其次,将“征迁”合
                称是因本文要重新理解的所谓“货币化”政策是从拆迁时代延续到征收时代的,而称这些遭遇
                城市化运动的居民为“被动迁者/家庭”则是沿袭陈映芳(2008,2010)的讲法。 本文想以此种讲
                法强调对这类居民自身而言更为重要的“被拆除”和“被迁移”的生活实际,因为不论其所遇为拆
                迁项目还是征收项目,这种切身的感受和认识都是一致的。

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